Our Friday News Analysis | What the World Reads Now!

Follow the Leader …Mindless Sheep Following Mindless Sheep

EDITORIAL | Are World Leaders Dumb, Stupid, Sociopaths, or Psychopaths, or All of the Above (Part 14)?

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By Abraham A. van Kempen
5 September 2025

Mindless Versus Mindful

Please permit me to be short and to the point today. I’m having a hard time with my eyes – bad luck with my eye surgeries. No worries! Light is at the end of the tunnel.

It might seem easier to go mindless than to be mindful, but why dwell on it too much? Human nature is what it is. Instead, I encourage you and the over 6,000 other journalists linked with us worldwide to consider signing a petition I plan to launch soon. Around October, I’ll simply click the orange ‘START PETITION’ button on the right side of our website to get it going. Of course, I’d also appreciate it if you would consider voluntarily sharing this with your readers—potentially billions of people—so they can join us in making a difference.

The Petition

At the moment, mum is the word. I’ll unwrap my brain child sooner rather than later.

Breaking News!

If you're curious about why the EU-US/NATO Neo-colonialists or Neocons are panicking, it’s definitely worth taking a close look at this special edition of Our Friday News Analysis.

The reason the Collective West is horrifically terrified is precisely why they have tried to tear apart the Russian Federation – under a deceptive pretense – and why they conspired to weaken and replace the Kremlin with their puppets. Do you still think the EU-US/NATO fears President Putin because he aims to expand the Russian Federation and raise the Russian flag in every European country? No! The NATO leadership resents him for promoting multipolarity, the new world order, intended to counterbalance unipolarity. The Collective West will remain the dominant power. They are still formidable but no longer invincible.

Don’t let them pull the wool over your eyes.

Enjoy your weekend.

Abraham A. van Kempen
Senior Editor

______________________________

Editor’s Note | Would You Stand and Give President Putin a Standing Ovation at the Munich Security Conference in 2007? The Bundestag in Berlin Did!

A significant shift in perspectives on Russia occurred following Vladimir Putin’s speech at the 2007 Munich Security Conference. Before this event, East-West relations were generally viewed positively, and portrayals of Putin were not critical. However, after 2007, these perceptions underwent a marked shift.

Question!

• What are your thoughts on President Putin after reviewing his speech to the Bundestag on September 25, 2001? Also, what do you think of President Putin’s speech at the 2007 Munich Conference on Security?
• Why do you think the Western Press aimed to diminish Russia and its President?
• Did the media pull wool over your eyes?

________________________

PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN | SPEECH IN THE BUNDESTAG OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY

Bundestag Gives Putin Standing Ovation

President Vladimir Putin addressing the Bundestag.

September 25, 2001
Berlin, Germany

President Vladimir Putin: Distinguished Mr President, Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,

I am sincerely grateful for this opportunity to speak in the Bundestag. This is the first such opportunity for a Russian head of state in the entire history of Russian-German relations. And this honor granted to me today only reaffirms the mutual interest of Russia and Germany in dialogue.

I am moved by this chance to discuss Russian-German relations, the development of ties between my country and the United Europe, and international security problems here, in Berlin, a city with a brutal fate. This city happened to become the focus of confrontation with almost the entire world on more than one occasion in the modern history of humanity, but also a city in which never, even in the darkest periods, did anyone succeed in stifling the spirit of freedom and humanism that had been nurtured way back by Wilhelm von Humboldt and Lessing.

Nor was that done in the grim years of Hitler’s tyranny. Our country deeply reveres the memory of heroic anti-Nazi fighters.

Russia has always had special sentiments for Germany, and regarded your country as one of the major centres of European culture – a culture, to the development of which Russia has also made a significant contribution. This culture has known no borders and has always been our shared asset, a factor in bringing people together.

That is why today I will take the liberty of delivering the central part of my message in the language of Goethe, Schiller, and Kant, in the German language.

(Follows translation from the German.)

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,

I have just talked about the unity of European culture. However, in the past, that unity did not prevent two horrible wars from being unleashed on the continent, two world wars within one century. Nor did it stop the building of the Berlin Wall, the formidable symbol of the deep division of Europe.

The Berlin Wall is no longer. It was destroyed. And today, it would be relevant to recall why that became possible.

It is my conviction that the dramatic change in the world, in Europe, and on the expanses of the former Soviet Union would have been impossible without the main preconditions, namely, without the events that took place in Russia ten years ago. These events are essential to understanding what precisely took place in our country and what could be expected from Russia in the future.

The answer is simple, as a matter of fact. Under the impact of the laws governing the development of the information society, Stalinist totalitarian ideology could no longer oppose the ideas of freedom and democracy. The spirit of these ideas was taking hold of the overwhelming majority of Russian citizens.

It was the political choice of the people of Russia that enabled the then leaders of the USSR to make decisions that eventually led to the razing of the Berlin Wall.

It was that choice that infinitely broadened the boundaries of European humanism and that enables us to say that no one will ever be able to return Russia to the past.

As for European integration, we not only support these processes, but we look to them with hope. We view them as people who have learned the lesson of the Cold War and the peril of the ideology of occupation very well.

But here, I think, it would be pertinent to add that Europe did not gain from that division either.

It is my firm conviction that in today's rapidly changing world, in a world witnessing truly dramatic demographic changes and an exceptionally high economic growth in some regions, Europe also has an immediate interest in promoting relations with Russia.

No one calls into question the great value of Europe's relations with the United States. I am just of the opinion that Europe will reinforce its reputation of a strong and truly independent centre of world politics soundly and for a long time if it succeeds in bringing together its own potential and that of Russia, including its human, territorial and natural resources and its economic, cultural and defence potential.

Together, we have already taken the first steps in that direction. The time has now come to think about what should be done to make sure that a united and secure Europe becomes the harbinger of a united and safe world.

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,

We have done a great deal in the security sphere over the past few years. The security system that we have built over the previous decades has been improved. One of the achievements of the past decade is the unprecedentedly low concentration of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe and the Baltic. Russia is a friendly European nation. Stable peace on the continent is a paramount goal for our country, which lived through a century of military catastrophes.

As everyone knows, we have ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear Tests Ban Treaty, the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, the Biological Weapons Convention, and also the START-2 Treaty. Regrettably, not all the NATO countries have followed our example.

But once we, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, have started to discuss security, we should first and foremost understand from whom we are to defend ourselves, and how. In this context, I cannot help but mention the catastrophe in the United States on September 11. People the world over keep asking how that could have happened and who is to blame. I will give you answers to these questions.

I think we all are to blame for what happened, and first and foremost, we, politicians, to whom the ordinary citizens of our nations have entrusted their security. And this happens first and foremost because we have so far failed to recognize the changes that have occurred in our world over the past ten years and continue to live in the old system of values: we are talking about partnership, but in reality, we have not yet learned to trust each other.

Despite a plethora of sweet words, we are still surreptitiously opposed to each other. Now we demand loyalty to NATO, and now we argue about the rationale behind its enlargement. And we are still unable to agree on the problems of a missile defence system.

Over long decades of the 20th century, the world was indeed living under conditions of confrontation between the two systems, a confrontation that pushed humanity to the brink of annihilation on more than one occasion.

That was so fearsome, and we grew so accustomed to living with that anticipation of catastrophe that we are still unable to understand and appreciate the changes taking place in today's world. We seem to be missing the fact that the world is no longer divided into two hostile camps.

The world has become far more complex, distinguished ladies and gentlemen.

We do not want or are unable to understand that the security structure built over the previous decades, which was effective in neutralizing former threats, is no longer able to cope with the new threats of today. Too often, we continue to argue over issues that we think are still important. They probably still are.

But at the same time, we do not recognize new real threats and turn out to be unable to foresee terrorist attacks, and so ruthless terrorist attacks at that!

Hundreds of innocent civilians died in the bombing of residential houses in Moscow and other large Russian cities. Religious fanatics, having captured power in Chechnya and having turned ordinary citizens into their hostages, mounted a brazen, large-scale armed attack against the neighboring Republic of Daghestan. International terrorists have openly – quite openly – declared their intention to establish a fundamentalist state on the territory between the Black and the Caspian Sea – the so-called khalifate, or the United States of Islam.

I want to stress right away that talking about any ”war between civilizations“ is inadmissible. It would be a mistake to put the equation mark between Muslims in general and religious fanatics. In our country, for example, the defeat of the aggressors in 1999 was predetermined by the courageous and tough rebuff of the residents of Daghestan, a Russian republic, the population of which is virtually 100 percent Muslim.

Shortly before I departed for Berlin, I met with the religious leaders of Russia's Muslims. They came up with the initiative of convening an international conference on ”Islam Against Terrorism“ in Moscow. Let's support this initiative.

Today, we are coming up against not so much the aggravation of the well-known international problems as the rise of new threats. Russia is taking practical steps to put up, together with some CIS nations, a real barrier in the way of the traffic of drugs, organized crime, and fundamentalism from Afghanistan via Central Asia and the Caucasus into Europe. Terrorism, national intolerance, separatism, and religious extremism everywhere have the same roots and bear the same poisonous fruit. That is why the methods of fighting these problems should be universal as well.

But first, an agreement needs to be reached on the fundamental matter: we should not be afraid of calling a spade a spade. And it is imperative to understand that evil deeds cannot be used to achieve political objectives, however noble such objectives may seem.

Naturally, evil must be punished, and I agree with that. But we should also understand that no retaliatory strikes will replace a comprehensive, purposeful, and well-coordinated struggle against terrorism. I absolutely agree with the US President on that.

I think our partners' readiness to join efforts in countering real rather than illusory threats will demonstrate how serious and reliable they are as partners. These threats are pretty capable of spilling over from the distant frontiers of our continent to the very heart of Europe. I talked about that on more than one occasion, but after what happened in the US, there is no need to prove anything.

But what do we lack today for cooperation to be practical?

Despite all the positive achievements of the past decades, we have not yet developed an efficient mechanism for working together.

The coordinating agencies established so far do not offer Russia genuine opportunities for participation in drafting and making decisions. Today, decisions are often taken, in principle, without our involvement, and we are only urged afterwards to support such decisions. After that, they discuss loyalty to NATO again. They even say that such decisions cannot be implemented without Russia. Let us ask ourselves: Is this normal? Is this a true partnership?

Yes, the assertion of democratic principles in international relations, the ability to find a correct decision, and readiness for compromise are complex things. But then, it was the Europeans who were the first to understand how important it is to look for consensus over and above national egoism. We agree with that! All these are good ideas. However, the quality of decisions that are taken, their efficiency, and, ultimately, European and international security in general depend on the extent to which we succeed today in translating these obvious principles into practical politics.

It seemed only recently that a truly united home was about to emerge on the continent, a place where Europeans wouldn't be split into eastern or western, northern or southern regions.

               However, these divides will remain, primarily because we have never fully shed many of the Cold War stereotypes and cliches.

Today, we must say once and for all: the Cold War is done with!

• We have entered a new stage of development.
• We understand that without a modern, sound, and sustainable security architecture, we will never be able to create an atmosphere of trust on the continent.
• Without that atmosphere of trust, there can be no united Greater Europe!

Today, we must say that we renounce our stereotypes and ambitions and, from now on, will jointly work for the security of the people of Europe and the world as a whole.

Dear friends,

Today, thank God, Russia is talked about in Europe not only in the context of oligarchs, corruption, and the Mafia. However, there is still a substantial lack of objective information about Russia.

               I can say with absolute confidence that the key goal of Russia's domestic policy is first and foremost to ensure democratic rights and freedoms, decent living standards, and safety for the people of the country.

However, distinguished colleagues, let us look back at some recent events.

• Russia took the painful road of reform.
• The scope of the tasks we had to address is without parallel in history.
• Naturally, mistakes were made.
• Not all the problems have been resolved, but today, Russia is quite a dynamic part of the European continent.
• Moreover, it is dynamic not only politically, but also economically, which is especially encouraging.

Political stability in Russia is ensured by several economic factors, not the least by one of the world's most liberal taxation systems.

• Our income tax rate is 13%, and our profit tax rate is 24%, and this is accurate.
• Last year, our economy grew by 8%.
• This year, we expected to achieve just 4%, but we are likely to have about 6% — say, 5.5–5.7%. We will wait and see.

At the same time, my conviction is that only large-scale and equal pan-European cooperation will make it possible to achieve qualitative progress in resolving such problems as unemployment, environmental pollution, and many others.

We are set on close trade and economic cooperation. In the near future, we intend to join the World Trade Organization. We rely on the support of international and European organizations for our bid.

I want to draw your attention to things which you, as members of parliament, will undoubtedly be able to appreciate better and which cannot be dismissed as propaganda. As a matter of fact, our nation has gone through a revision of priorities and values.

Spending on social needs tops the 2002 consolidated budget.

And I would like to stress specifically that for the first time in Russia's history, spending on education has exceeded defence expenditures.

Distinguished colleagues,

Please permit me to say a couple of words about Russian-German relations. I want to dwell separately on this matter. Russian-German relations are as old as our nations. The first German tribes appeared on Russian territory in the late first century. In the late 19th century, Germans were the ninth most numerous ethnic group in Russia. But what is essential is not just the numbers, but the role played by these people in the development of the country and in Russian-German relations. They were peasants and merchants, intellectuals, military men, and politicians.

The German historian Michael Stuermer observed: ”Russia and America are divided by oceans, while Russia and Germany are divided by a great history.“ I would say that history, just like oceans, not only divides but also unites. The important thing is to interpret this history correctly.

As a good neighbor in the West, Germany was often symbolized for the Russians as Europe, European culture, technical intellect, and entrepreneurial wit. Small wonder that in the past, all Europeans were known as Germans in Russia, and the Europeans' settlement in Moscow was known as the German Village.

Naturally, the cultural influences of the two peoples were reciprocal. Many generations of Germans and Russians studied and continue to enjoy works by Goethe, Dostoyevsky, and Leo Tolstoy. Our people understand each other's mentality very well, as is amply evidenced by the marvelous Russian translations of German authors. They closely replicate the text and keep the pace of the narration and the mood and beauty of the original. One example is the translation of Doctor Faustus by Boris Pasternak.

Ladies and gentlemen,

There are different pages in our history, some of them rather painful, especially those relating to the 20th century. But in the past, we often acted as allies.

The relations between the two European nations were, from time to time, reinforced by marital unions between dynasties.

Generally, women played a special role in our history. Let us recall, for example, the daughter of the Grand Duke Ludwig IV of Hessen-Darmstadt, known in Russia as Princess Elizabeth. Following the assassination of her husband, she founded a nunnery, and during World War I, she nursed wounded soldiers, both Russians and Germans.

In 1918, she was executed by the Bolsheviks, but recently she was rehabilitated and sanctified for everyone to honor. A monument to her stands in the heart of Moscow today. Nor should we forget Princess Sophia Augusta Frederika of Anhalt-Zerbst, who made a unique contribution to Russian history. Ordinary Russians called her Mother, but she went down in history as Russian Empress Catherine the Great.

Today's Germany is Russia's leading economic partner, its most crucial creditor, one of the principal investors, and a key interlocutor in discussions of international politics.

I will give you one example: last year trade between our countries hit a record of 41.5 billion marks. This compares with the Soviet Union's aggregate trade with both German states. Can we be happy with this and sit back and relax? I don't think so. Russian-German cooperation still has sufficient potential for development.

I am convinced that today we are turning over a new page in our bilateral relations, thereby making our joint contribution to building a unified European home.

In conclusion, I would like to say the words that were once used to characterize Germany and its capital. I want to apply this idea to Russia and say: of course, we are at the beginning of the road to building a democratic society and a market economy.

There are barriers and obstacles on that road that we are to surmount. However, if we leave aside objective problems and occasional ineptness of our own, we will see the beat of Russia's strong, living heart.

And this heart is open to genuine cooperation and partnership.

Publication status
Published in section: Transcripts
Publication date: September 25, 2001, 00:01
Text version

SWISS STRATEGIC INTELLIGENCE SERVICE – COL. JACQUES BAUD: WHY THE WEST DOES NOT UNDERSTAND RUSSIA

Colonel Jacques Baud, a seasoned former military intelligence analyst for the Swiss Army and an accomplished writer, shares his insights based on years of experience. He explores why the West often struggles to fully understand Russia and Putin.

European strategic intelligence plays a vital role in understanding the complexities of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Through careful analysis, policymakers can make well-informed decisions that foster peace and stability in the region. Although challenging, this highlights the importance of comprehensive and insightful intelligence collection.

Watch the Video Here (57 minutes, 44 seconds)

Host Prof. Glenn Diesen
Substack.com
30 August 2025

European Strategic Intelligence and the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict: A Critical Examination

Welcome back to our discussion with Colonel Jacques Baud, a former member of the Swiss Strategic Intelligence Service. Today, we examine European politics, particularly the relationship between Europe and Russia, as well as its ties with the U.S.

Gaining Perspective on Russia from a Western Viewpoint and Strategic Insights

Let's explore how the West views President Putin and Russia. Colonel Baud’s background in strategic intelligence offers us some valuable insights. He points out that in democratic societies, strategic intelligence is designed to support political leaders by providing factual information, enabling them to make well-informed decisions rather than relying on guesses or personal feelings. Ideally, intelligence serves as a reliable foundation, guiding leaders away from hasty or unfounded choices.

However, a noticeable change happened after Vladimir Putin’s speech at the Munich Security Conference in 2007. Before this moment, East-West relations were generally friendly, and Putin’s image in the media was not perceived as negative. Since then, views have become more strained, and a worrisome alignment has developed between the mainstream press and European strategic intelligence services, both often sharing a similar story against Russia.

Examining the Impact of Media On Us and How Stories Influence Our Viewpoint

Exploring how media influences us and how stories shape our perspective can be enlightening. When media and narratives align well, it creates a more engaging and authentic experience that resonates deeply with us. Understanding this connection helps us appreciate the powerful role media plays in our lives and the importance of aligning stories with the truth and our values.

The media often has its own perspectives, sometimes leaning more on instinct than on facts. However, in recent times, it’s interesting to see how the press and intelligence agencies seem to be united in their critical portrayal of Russia. This impression raises questions about the objectivity and factual basis of our public conversations.

A notable example is the statement by the French Chief of General Staff, who identified Russia as Europe’s biggest upcoming threat. Colonel Baud questions the basis for this assessment, emphasizing that strategic intelligence must be grounded in concrete evidence rather than speculation or unfounded ideas.

Moving from Facts to Fiction [Storytelling and Narratives]: How Governance Is Changing

• Throughout history, the Enlightenment helped European governance move away from decisions based on divine-right inspiration and toward rational, fact-based analysis for the benefit of society.
• Today, however, Colonel Baud notices a worrisome change: decision-making sometimes feels disconnected from facts, leaning more on instinct or ideology.
• This change could compromise the integrity of democratic governance and the rule of law.

Personalization in Conflict and Information Management

Unlike during the Cold War, when the West mainly opposed a particular system, today's discussions tend to focus more on individuals—especially President Putin—and often place blame on everyone who shares his views. For instance, sanctions don't just target Russia's leaders; they affect the entire Russian population.

Since Russia’s 2022 military actions, the Western approach has been to destabilize Russian society and provoke dissent. Western leaders, including the French Minister of Economy, openly acknowledged the strategy of making Russia suffer.

Personalization in Conflict and Information Management enhances tailored solutions, making interactions more effective and comforting. By emphasizing personal touches, we often discover more effective methods for managing conflicts and sharing information in a way that feels more personal and understanding to all parties involved.

Managing Information and Perception Control

Across Western Europe, many structures are in place to help filter and manage information about Russia. These include NATO-affiliated centers and various national institutions that help shape the story. According to Baud, much of the information presented in Western media originates from Ukrainian sources, which sometimes diverge from reports within Ukraine itself. This can lead to a skewed view of events, such as the way missile strikes or casualty numbers are reported.

Understanding how information is managed and perceived can provide valuable insights. It shows how control over information shapes perceptions and influences opinions. Exploring this topic offers valuable insights into how we perceive the world around us.

The Power of Narrative and Sustaining Support

• The importance of storytelling in sustaining ongoing support is immense. Engaging stories build stronger connections and motivate continued assistance. By sharing impactful stories, we encourage others to join a meaningful journey that personally resonates with them.
• In Ukraine, maintaining Western support really depends on fostering a sense of hope for victory and the failure of Russian efforts. Sometimes, there's a tendency to overlook the differences between what's happening on the ground and what officials say, to maintain support.
• Colonel Baud notes that if European people knew more about the real situation, they might feel less inclined to support the war.

The Legal Rationale for Russian Actions

• Many focus on NATO’s eastward expansion as a cause of the conflict, but Colonel Baud emphasizes that this is not the legal reason Russia has given.
• Instead, Russia claims its actions are justified under Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, citing the responsibility to protect populations.
• Misunderstanding or oversimplifying this explanation can lead to inaccurate assessments of the conflict’s legality.

Negotiations and Missed Opportunities for Peace

Baud observes that Ukraine has made several genuine efforts to find peaceful solutions, and it seemed Russia was open to these talks. Unfortunately, these chances were often blocked by Western countries, especially in Europe. There's some hesitation to let Ukraine try solving things through diplomacy on its own.

When we consider Negotiations and Missed Opportunities for Peace, it may seem like just missed chances for peace. Still, it also serves as a gentle reminder of the vital importance of ongoing efforts and perseverance, with a hint of hope. Every effort we make toward understanding and open conversation brings us a little closer to a brighter future for everyone involved.

Ongoing Conflict and Future Prospects

As the war continues, European leaders appear to cling to strategies that haven't worked, often due to the sunk-cost fallacy and ongoing domestic challenges. There’s a tendency to divert attention from their internal issues by emphasizing the Ukrainian conflict, even as the situation on the ground gradually shifts in Russia’s favor.

Colonel Baud believes that extending the war might actually favor Russia, as it slowly diminishes Ukrainian resistance. He suggests that European countries could find it more beneficial to encourage negotiations, although he feels there is little logical reason behind the current policies.

Conclusion

The discussion concludes on a somber note, reflecting on what lies ahead. The ongoing conflict mainly benefits external parties rather than Ukraine or Europe itself. If there's no shift in strategy or a return to sensible, fact-based decisions, Europe may soon experience the consequences of this situation. Let's hope for a change that brings clearer, more positive outcomes.

PRESIDENT PUTIN'S PIVOTAL MUNICH SPEECH IN 2007 SPARKED A TECTONIC RIPPLE EFFECT THAT CHANGED HISTORY.

President Vladimir Putin's landmark speech on February 10, 2007, at the 43rd Munich Security Conference, was a significant moment in which he candidly voiced concerns about the EU-US/NATO push for a unipolar world, its unchecked use of force, and its apparent disregard for international law.

For the first time since the end of the Cold War, he clearly expressed that Russia isn't interested in fitting into such a global order. While his words were critical, Putin's intent wasn't to ignite conflict but to advocate for a new partnership built on fairness and mutual respect.

The Western mainstream media, however, distorted his speech and portrayed it as a malicious attack.

Watch and judge for yourself.

View the Video Here (30 minutes, 46 seconds)

Voevoda
10 February 2007

PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN | SPEECH AND DISCUSSION AT THE 2007 MUNICH CONFERENCE ON SECURITY POLICY

Read The Full 8,000-Word Transcript Here

Opening Remarks

President Putin expresses gratitude for the invitation to the conference, which brings together influential figures from over 40 countries. The format enables honest discussion about international security without resorting to empty diplomatic formalities.

International Security: Principles and Challenges

President Putin described Security as a universal concept that encompasses political, economic, and civilizational dialogue. He highlighted the principle that "security for one is security for all," referencing Franklin D. Roosevelt's assertion that “breaches of peace anywhere threaten peace everywhere.”

From Bipolar to Unipolar Worlds

Twenty years prior, global security was anchored in the strategic balance between two superpowers. The Cold War sidelined pressing social and economic issues, leaving a legacy of ideological stereotypes and bloc thinking. The promised unipolar world did not materialize; history shows such models are inherently unstable and undemocratic.

Flaws of the Unipolar Model

Unipolarity is critiqued for lacking moral foundations and being unsustainable in the modern era. Attempts to apply this model have resulted in unilateral actions that often intensify conflicts rather than resolve them.

The Use of Force and International Law

A trend of excessive military intervention is noted, undermining international law and fueling an arms race. Dominance by force encourages nations to seek weapons of mass destruction, while terrorism emerges as a global threat.

Global Economic Shifts

Economic power is shifting toward new centers, such as the BRIC countries. This transformation is expected to foster a multipolar world and increase the role of multilateral diplomacy, emphasizing openness and transparency.

Energy Security and Cooperation

Russia aims to establish transparent market principles in the energy sector. Foreign investment in Russian oil is significant, but parity in cross-border investments remains uneven. Russia’s credit rating and its accession to the WTO are highlighted as indicators of economic openness.

Poverty and Global Inequality

This summary addresses the paradox where developed nations provide aid while maintaining trade barriers and subsidies, perpetuating economic disparities and fueling tension and extremism.

Role and Reform of International Organizations

The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is discussed, with concerns about its transformation into a tool for advancing selective foreign policy interests. The importance of respecting sovereignty and fostering trust among member states is underscored.

Questions and Answers

On NATO Expansion

Questions focus on the democratic self-determination of states joining NATO, potential stabilization, and Russia’s concerns about military infrastructure expansion near its borders.

Domestic Issues in Russia

Topics include freedom of the press, non-governmental organizations, and the impact of security policies on civil society.

Proliferation and Arms Control

The discussion covers Russia’s commitment to nuclear arms reduction, non-proliferation treaties, and safeguarding materials from terrorist access.

Kosovo and Regional Conflicts

The future of Kosovo and Serbia is considered, with emphasis on allowing local populations to determine their own outcomes.

Chechnya and Regional Experiences

Chechnya is cited as an example of political stabilization and integration of former insurgents into governance and society.

Energy Partnerships with the EU

Russia’s willingness to negotiate reliable energy delivery agreements with the European Union is reaffirmed.

Russia and Iran

Questions about Russia’s involvement in Iran’s missile program and its stance on the Iranian nuclear issue are addressed, noting minimal Russian engagement and the need for collaborative solutions.

Strategic Arms Development

The balance between offensive and defensive weapons systems is discussed, stressing adherence to international law and the UN Charter in matters of military force.

Domestic Political Structure

Russia’s multi-party system and the active role of non-governmental organizations are described, with notes on registration procedures and financing concerns.

Freedom and Civil Society

Improvements in economic well-being are linked to a reduction in fears among citizens. The problem of journalist safety is acknowledged, with a commitment to addressing such tragedies.

Conclusion

Russia’s longstanding tradition of independent foreign policy is reiterated, alongside a desire for constructive engagement with responsible partners. The document concludes with a call to build a fair and democratic global order that ensures security and prosperity for all.

What is the Side of the Story that is Not Yet Decisive? Edited and annotated by Abraham A. van Kempen

GUEST EDITORIAL | THE WEST HAS JUST BEEN GIVEN A RUDE AWAKENING.

Self-obsessed establishments can live in their illusory worlds all they want – it won’t change the fact that a new world is upon us.

By Tarik Cyril Amar, a historian from Germany working at Koç University, Istanbul, on Russia, Ukraine, and Eastern Europe, the history of World War II, the cultural Cold War, and the politics of memory

@tarikcyrilamartarikcyrilamar.substack.comtarikcyrilamar.com

Indian PM Narendra Modi talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin(L) and Chinese President Xi Jinping ahead of the SCO Summit 2025 in Tianjin, China. © Suo Takekuma/Getty Images

HomeWorld News
2 September 2025

Oswald Spengler, the eccentric German arch-conservative and a brilliant author of "The Decline of the West," was also woke at times. He's known for his sharp wit and biting satire of the West’s self-reflection, showcasing his keen critical eye. His view that “optimism is cowardice” reflects his unique perspective, making his observations both thought-provoking and memorable.

By gently challenging the Occident’s “provincial presuppositions,” naive vanity, and self-crippling narrow-mindedness, Spengler viewed its persistent solipsism as creating a “prodigious optical illusion” of self-importance.

Today, more than a hundred years after these observations, Spengler would feel justly vindicated. The series of international events—ranging from 'remarkable' to 'game-changing'—that recently occurred first at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin and then around Beijing’s grand 80th-anniversary parade commemorating World War II should clearly reveal two crucial realities about our world today, even to those most immersed in the Western media bubble.

A new global order is emerging, centered on Eurasia (excluding a small, dismal peninsula fixated on the Atlantic and obedient to the US) and the Global South. China’s President Xi Jinping stated in Tianjin that custodians will discard the West’s flawed "rules-based international order," which has enabled atrocities like the Gaza genocide, into history.

Secondly, the West is neglecting its opportunity to influence the future after its largely misguided and harsh “unipolar moment.” Surrounded by self-defeating complacency, as shown by US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent’s dismissive remark about the SCO meeting as a “performative” gathering of “bad actors,” current Western institutions are set on continuing their self-marginalization.

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The West had its century. The future belongs to these leaders now.

According to Slovak leader Robert Fico, much of Western leadership might be content with remaining unaware, like a 'frog at the bottom of the well.' Perhaps that’s for the best, as it's difficult to see how they could truly contribute to a world rooted in principles like 'sovereign equality,' 'international rule of law,' and 'multilateralism' (Xi Jinping), or uphold 'valid and unshakable' UN principles (Vladimir Putin). There's also a desire for 'connectivity' that honors 'sovereignty and territorial integrity' (Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi). This perspective invites us to reflect on the challenges and contradictions in international relations.

One of the most exciting updates in Beijing is the progress of a major pipeline project involving China and Russia. They're working on the Power of Siberia 2, which aims to connect Russian gas fields to China through Mongolia. Bloomberg notes that this project could reshape the entire global gas market, impacting major players like the US, Australia, and Qatar, as highlighted by the Financial Times.

That's quite an understatement! With a projected capacity of 50 billion cubic meters per year for at least 30 years, Power of Siberia 2 is poised to impact numerous areas. Essentially, it will strengthen and accelerate a significant shift in the flow of affordable Russian energy, moving it away from Europe's self-deindustrializing tendencies towards the vibrant markets of China and Asia.

Certainly, Power of Siberia 2 isn't just set to transform the world’s energy landscape; it’s also poised to reshape global geopolitics. Over the long haul, this new Russian-Chinese agreement suggests that those in the US (or Western countries, such as NATO and the EU) who cling to the idea of driving a wedge between Moscow and Beijing can let go of their hopes.

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Three giants at one table: Can Russia, India, and China rewrite the global rules?

You might think of it as a ‘strategic partnership’ (that's the official term) or simply an alliance, but the truth remains: neither Russia nor China will let the West break them apart. When you look at it from a military perspective—just one part of their broader power—it's clear that Russia’s forces, which are pushing back against the West’s proxy war in Ukraine, and China’s, which are the largest in the world and equipped with top-quality domestically produced weapons, are on the same side in the global picture. Both nations’ powerful military-industrial complexes are also aligned in this stance.

In the short term, this Russian-Chinese move demonstrates and reinforces that Washington’s secondary sanctions threats are ineffective against Beijing. The context is crucial: recently, the US tried to make an example of India by applying punitive tariffs, unjustly and inconsistently, because India chose to act as a sovereign nation—particularly in energy policy—and purchase Russian oil. If that heavy-handed American approach was intended to coerce compliance, it has dramatically failed.

China has explicitly stated it will purchase as much Russian gas as it desires. Gazprom CEO Alexey Miller confirmed that Russia will sell gas at prices lower than those charged to European customers. Moreover, during the SCO-Beijing meetings, India showed defiance in the face of Washington’s pressure. Indian leader Narendra Modi was a prominent presence at the SCO gathering, receiving a warm welcome and engaging actively, while clearly indicating he was not accepting calls from the White House.

Western “experts” and ivory-tower think-tankers who have assumed that China and India can't resolve their border issues have been out of touch. They tend to view the leadership of these countries as less mature, often projecting Western stubbornness and irrationality onto them. In reality, these nations are demonstrating much more maturity and wisdom in handling their differences.

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The old world order was buried in China. Here’s why it matters

Building on everything mentioned earlier, the presence of many other critical international leaders, including those from Iran and North Korea, alongside the impressive organization of what ultimately proved to be a significant event, clearly indicates that we've witnessed a historic moment. Future history will likely remember the US and the EU's recent Turnberry “diktat” as a disappointing display of shortsightedness, bullying, and cowardice, traits that have cast a shadow over the West. On the other hand, the SCO meeting in Tianjin and the subsequent gathering in Beijing will be seen as powerful examples of how the new global order is beginning to take shape.

How is the West, its politicians, and mainstream media responding to these developments? It’s often with the same old self-centeredness that Spengler noted over a century ago. Not only does the West seem to be declining as if there were no tomorrow, but it also tends to view the vast, powerful, and increasingly wealthy world around it—the majority of humanity—as merely a reflection of its own hopes and fears. For example, when China and India are making progress together, it’s often attributed to personal slights by the US or Trump, rather than recognizing that both Delhi and Beijing have their own thoughtful reasons for moving closer. It’s worth remembering that these countries’ actions are driven by their own considered goals, not just external perceptions.

Russia’s Vladimir Putin, being the primary guest in Tianjin and Beijing, suggests he has escaped the so-called splendid isolation the all-powerful West supposedly imposed. However, the idea that isolation was never a factor is mistaken—unless one considers the West's own unreasonable demands, which have effectively isolated Moscow.

The West is almost a helpless prisoner of its own self-obsession. The weaker it becomes, the more it denies reality. This narcissism has consequences. So self-centered that it refuses to see the world beyond its narrow, increasingly delusional perspective, Western institutions hardly need enemies. If left unchecked, they will steer the West toward darkness.

Prof. Tarik Cyril Amar, PhD., is a political and geopolitical analyst, commentator, and professional historian. He studied at Oxford University and the LSE and earned his PhD at Princeton. Fluent in several languages, including Russian, German, Ukrainian, Polish, and French, he aims for objectivity. He refrains from equivocation and openly states his views: raised in the Cold War West, he rejects Western claims to special status and supports the rise of a multipolar world.

PUTIN SHOWS SUPPORT FOR TRUMP'S ENVOY ON UKRAINE TALKS.

The Russian president stated that the summit in Alaska demonstrated how Steve Witkoff accurately reflects Moscow’s stance.

Russian President Vladimir Putin (L) meets with US President's Special Envoy Steve Witkoff (R) at the Kremlin Palace in Moscow on August 06, 2025. © Kremlin Press Office/Getty Images.

Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed his support for Steve Witkoff, the envoy of US President Donald Trump, noting that Witkoff correctly reflects both Moscow’s and Washington’s views on efforts to resolve the Ukraine conflict.

Alaska Summit and Accurate Representation

During the recent Alaska summit, Putin acknowledged that Witkoff clearly communicated Moscow’s stance. In a press conference following his four-day visit to China, he highlighted that Witkoff is representing “the position of the American president himself,” emphasizing the envoy’s credibility.

Criticism and Putin’s Response

Witkoff has received some criticism in Western media after he met with Putin last month, where they discussed mediating a ceasefire in Ukraine. In response to these concerns, Putin explained that only those who oppose Trump’s approach to Ukraine have the right to criticize Witkoff.

Trump Administration’s Shift on Ukraine Policy

The Trump administration has notably moved away from previous policies of providing direct financial assistance to Ukraine. Earlier this month, Vice President J.D. Vance shared that the US would stop direct funding to Kyiv. Trump also mentioned that future US efforts would primarily involve profits from arms sales to European NATO allies, who would then pass these weapons on to Ukraine.

Moscow’s Peace Demands

Russia has been emphasizing the importance of reaching a peace agreement that genuinely tackles the underlying causes of the conflict. Their key requirements include:

• Ukrainian neutrality and non-alignment with NATO or other military blocs
• Demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine
• Recognition of current territorial realities, including the status of Crimea and regions that joined Russia following referendums in 2014 and 2022

BUILDING THE BRIDGE! | A WAY TO GET TO KNOW THE OTHER AND ONE ANOTHER

Making a Difference – The Means, Methods, and Mechanisms for Many to Move Mountains


Photo Credit: Abraham A. van Kempen, our home away from home on the Dead Sea

By Abraham A. van Kempen
Senior Editor
Updated 19 January 2024

Those who commit to 'healing our broken humanity' build intercultural bridges to learn to know and understand one another and others. Readers who thumb through the Building the Bridge (BTB) pages are not mindless sheep following other mindless sheep. They THINK. They want to be at the forefront of making a difference. They're in search of the bigger picture to expand their horizons. They don't need BTB or anyone else to confirm their biases.

Making a Difference – The Means, Methods, and Mechanisms for Many to Move Mountains

Accurate knowledge fosters understanding, dispels prejudice, and sparks a desire to learn more about the subject. Words have an extraordinary power to bring people together, divide them, forge bonds of friendship, or provoke hostility. Modern technology offers unprecedented possibilities for good, fostering harmony and reconciliation. Yet, its misuse can cause untold harm, leading to misunderstandings, prejudices, and conflicts.

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